The Moral Obligation of Engineers to Fight Global Poverty

a b s t r a c t

Ethicists have made the case that people living in rich countries have a moral duty to give to the poor. How does this claim apply to engineers in particular, who are uniquely positioned to apply their technical skills toward tackling global poverty? If engineers do have a moral obligation to use their occupation to help the impoverished, how does this duty interact with the rights to freedom of choice and pursuit of happiness for the engineer? This paper asks if greater ability implies greater obligation.

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Cultural Factors affecting Sanitation in sub-Saharan Africa

A B S T R A C T

Enormous amounts of resources are spent by humanitarian organizations each year in an attempt to improve sanitation conditions in the developing world. Despite decades of efforts by western aid workers to intervene in sub-Saharan Africa, the results of these investments are lacking. This paper introduces cultural factors as an under-studied dimension of why international aid projects may produce lackluster results and asks the question: how do cultural differences between Sub-Saharan communities and western engineers affect humanitarian aid projects designed to improve sanitation conditions? The following article applies quantitative scoring methods developed by cultural theorist Geert Hofstede to understand social factors relevant for project managers working in this region. The report presents three cultural considerations that engineering teams should consider incorporating in order to make the implementation of sanitation development projects in sub-Saharan Africa more successful in the future.

View full paper at: Sanitation in sub-Saharan Africa

Legitimizing Haitian Water Grievances

     Written: April 2015

For the first time in a hundred years, there was suddenly Vibrio cholera in Haiti. It didn’t take long for epidemiologists to trace the origin of the cholera outbreak to a group of United Nations peacekeepers from Nepal who were found piping their excrement into a nearby tributary. To the indignation of human rights organizations everywhere, the U.N. denied –and continues to deny– responsibility for the 8,000 dead and 700,000 contaminated Haitians from the cholera outbreak. The evidence against the organization, however, is difficult to deny.

Historical records indicated no reported cases of cholera in Haiti before the U.N.’s arrival in 2010. Moreover, investigators found that the epidemic began at a single point where the Nepalese peacekeepers were stationed. It was also determined that the Haitian outbreak involved a strain particular to Nepal.

Thousands of Haitian victims have demanded that the U.N. compensate them for their illnesses and the death of loved ones, but the U.N. refuses to discuss their claims. The international organization possesses absolute immunity from lawsuits –unless it explicitly waives that right– and denies any responsibility for bringing cholera to Haiti. Not wanting to accept complete financial responsibility for the epidemic, U.N. officials have remained silent on the issue, and its top lawyer simply cited “policy concerns” for the reasons the victims were “not receivable”.

The U.N.’s refusal to establish a claims commission, waive its immunity, or apologize for the harms caused by its negligence denies the victims the possibility of redress or compensation for their suffering. This course of dismissal has fueled Haitian outrage and must not continue.

The victims have tried relentlessly to fight the United Nations on legal grounds –citing violations of laws established by the U.N. itself– but absolute immunity renders this approach unproductive. From the U.N.’s policy perspective, the prospect of monetary compensation for each Haitian victim –roughly $50,000 per individual– diverts funding and attention for national cholera eradication and the provision of a permanent solution to Haiti’s water problem.

Still, without a formal commission to recognize their grievances, victims may never achieve recognition and redress for their suffering. Even worse, suspicions against foreign aid workers have risen to xenophobic levels that make cholera treatment and eradication more difficult. Thus, a collaborative process is required in order to repair the broken trust between the Haitian people and the U.N., particularly in this time of intense humanitarian need. 

A joint initiative focused on establishing a forum to recognize the victims’ claims is instrumental to begin the healing process. Such a commission would bring legitimacy to Haitian claims while repairing the U.N.’s tarnished moral credibility in the region, and could be done in a non-adversarial manner. Doing so would be politically feasible for the U.N. and would move away from fault-finding toward a direction that focuses on the common goals shared by each side, namely: stopping the epidemic, guaranteeing treatment for the sick and ensuring that a similar tragedy does not happen in the future. To be truly effective, a joint initiative requires the meaningful participation of local populations in the humanitarian aid process, and recognition that feedback from those receiving aid is inherently valuable.

Bringing Saudi Back

Feature Story: Gannon Knight Newspaper

Written: October 2014

In the aftermath of the World Trade Center attacks, a national security crackdown on Arabs kept many Middle Eastern students away from American universities. Because 15 of the 19 hijackers were of Saudi Arabian origin, this Sunni nation was especially hard hit with American reactionary fears.The U.S. State Department specified in 2004 that about a thousand Saudi Arabian students remained in the country. Today, however, the State Department reports the number of Saudis studying in the United States is well over 71,000 and growing quickly.

Much of this growth can be attributed to a joint pilot program instituted by President George W. Bush and King Abdullah in 2005 to drastically increase the number of Saudi students studying in the U.S. The program was to benefit both governments: it would lessen the bad reputation Saudi had been branded with after Sept. 11 and it would help curb the rise of anti-Americanism mounting in the Middle East. This seemingly innocuous program has produced effects that have been felt even in the most secluded niches of the U.S. – including Erie, Pennsylvania.

At Gannon University, the rise of Saudi Arabian students on campus is unmistakable. Today, there are 239 Saudi students, up from zero in 2006. Alone, they make up 44% of the international student population. Their presence dominates the physics classes of the Zurn Science Center and turns its entrances into hazy outlines of cigarette smoke. But even though the Arab cliques are unavoidably conspicuous to Erie natives, that doesn’t mean Americans have taken the time to understand their new neighbors.

Judith van Rheenen, director of the International Student Office (ISO) at Gannon, says most Saudi students attend Gannon on a Saudi government scholarship that pays for their entire bachelor’s, master’s and Ph. D. programs – along with a living stipend. Van Rheenen’s office is reminiscent of an eclectic yet organized garage sale, with each trinket hiding a special story that only she understands. In Asian cultures, it is common to bestow a gift on a host or hostess as a sign of gratitude. The bookshelf in van Rheenen’s office – larger than a doorframe – overflows with vases, dolls, teapots, statues, jewelry boxes, and endless other gifts of thanks from former students. It is easy to understand why the international students seek out van Rheenen’s assistance, apart from her being the program director. Her clear blue eyes, earnest voice and open demeanor make her an easy person to talk to, and many students and faculty members frequently drop in to chat with her. Above all, van Rheenen admits to being a curious person.

“I wish more Americans would strike up a conversation, just turn to a foreign student and say, ‘Hey, I don’t mean you any offense, I’m just curious. Why do you dress this way?’ or something like that,” she says spiritedly. In her mind, the influx of foreigners presents an opportunity for Gannon students to extend their cultural sensitivities beyond the Tri-State area. However, to notice the foreign students at Gannon is also to observe their relative separation from the American students. Though Gannon’s campus is diverse, it also seems to be segregated – whether consciously or unconsciously – into groups of Americans and groups of international students.

Van Rheenen acknowledges this and sighs. “I think sometimes people are afraid of what they don’t understand,” she says, “I think that people will have a curiosity that they won’t act on.” Though she’d like to see more mixing between the two groups, she says she understands that, “you stick to what you’re familiar with.” English as a Second Language (ESL) program Associate Director Philomena Rad is conscious of this segregation. Rad, a dark-haired woman with sharp eyes and a Michelle Pfeiffer-voice from years of heavy smoking, can periodically be found on the third floor of Palumbo giving a stray student a theatrically stern talking-to for skipping class. 

While the wide-eyed, “take-it-easy-on-me-I’m-foreign” routine may work on most professors, Rad is evidently immune to students trying to charm their way out of trouble. However, it is because of this concerned personality that her pupils continually seek Rad – she is the Mrs. Weasley of Gannon’s international family. Rad suggests that the answer to the separation between nationalities is twofold: first, the American students are very busy living their college lives; and the Saudi students may be too shy or not sure of the proper social etiquette. Going up to an American, especially if she’s female, can be very intimidating to a foreign student. That’s why Rad stresses the importance of English Conversation Partners – an ESL program she has led for many years.

“They know that their English isn’t perfect, and that can put a fear in them,” Rad stresses. “They’ve got quite a challenge ahead of them… they have to be proficient enough to make it in a university classroom. That’s significant.” 

Still, not all of the Saudi students have language deficiencies and the line between international and domestic groups remains sharp. Wida Ahaihi, a graduate student in the computer science department, has only been in Erie for one month. It is her first time in America, but the confident demeanor she carries under a sand-colored dress and a pure white veil revealing only her long-lashed eyes, makes it seem otherwise. Her friend, similarly covered, leans casually back on a Burton backpack in Zurn as Ahaihi discusses her time in Erie.

“Sometimes, yes, I think people may judge me before they know me,” Ahaihi says with composure. “It may make me uncomfortable at times.”Overall, though, Ahaihi claims that everyone at Gannon has been welcoming to her. She barks to her friend in Arabic, who is laughing crazily to a YouTube video on her Android, and she stops giggling long enough to agree with Ahaihi. Still, both women plan to return home after they have earned their master’s degrees.

This seems to be a significant pattern for Gannon, which devotes extensive time and resources to educate the Saudis, only to have them depart for good after graduation. In 2009, James Smith, a Former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, claimed that contrary to patterns among many international students who study in America, most Saudi students go home to work after obtaining their degrees. Thus, the nature of the King Abdullah scholarship program raises numerous questions about its overall effectiveness in promoting U.S.-Saudi relations in towns such as Erie.

Van Rheenen describes some local changes she has noticed with optimism, such as the rise in Arab-themed restaurants and hookah bars around town. She hopes that steps like this will get more Americans accustomed to other cultures, as well as give the foreign students more to do in Erie. Van Rheenen laughs as she describes getting feedback from the Saudi students about their time at Gannon. According to her, the most frequent response is: “Erie is a nice place to study,” which she translates to mean: “there is nothing to do in Erie.” 

Van Rheenen does admit that the rise in Saudi students presents some intercultural challenges that were new to conservative Erie. For example, should the university require an uncovered face when taking school ID photos? Though Van Rheenen, Rad and numerous other Gannon faculty members have spent long hours trying to understand the subtleties of Saudi culture in order to enhance the program quality, it remains to be seen whether Gannon’s students have accepted their new peers as earnestly. 

Ahmed Nasser, a 26-year old from Riyadh, agrees that there are cultural differences that are hard to get around. With a flat-brim cap, khaki shorts and a band T-shirt, Nasser’s image brings to mind a California surfer rather than a desert Arab. Leaning back in his chair with one shoe on his knee, he says he’s here to study English – even though he says this comfortably with few mistakes. He talks about the American culture, which is very busy and independent compared to the family-centric priorities of his home country. 

“In America, people may not be too interested in meeting others,” says Nasser. “Sometimes people are afraid that they will say the wrong thing and offend someone. Even those like me who understand English, may not know all the social practices that go with it.” 

Still, Nasser has made many friends in just a few months at Gannon and expresses interest in traveling after graduation or getting a job in America for a few years, rather than immediately returning home. Whether students like Nasser and Ahaihi decide to stick around or go home after graduation, obtaining an American education is a life-changing opportunity for them. To the typical American student, however, the presence of these foreign students may not be so dramatic. Thomas Church, a business student who was born and raised in Erie County, shrugs when asked about the Saudi students. 

“They seem alright,” Church says. “But honestly, I’ve never talked to one.”

For Washington’s Interests, Understanding Riyadh is Vital

Written: February 2013

  Over all of the pervasive Middle East themes that make news in the United States – the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, petroleum pricing, stopping terrorist attacks – there are two topics that are dominating today’s media headlines: the crisis in Syria and nuclear discussions with Iran. To the American people, the issues are separate: one is a humanitarian catastrophe and the other, a chance to finally reconcile a protracted security challenge. It is critically important that American policymakers do not make the same superficial distinction, however, if they hope to produce effective outcomes in the ongoing negotiations. In particular, special attention must be paid to fully understanding the geostrategic goals of Saudi Arabia, since it is the country that is in the greatest position to leverage American interests in the region.

For the past 60 years, Saudi Arabia has been one of the United States’ most significant economic and political partners in the Middle East, helping to control extremism, undermine Soviet expansionism, and of course, contribute vast quantities of oil to world markets. The reality of Saudi sectarianism has always posed a unique relationship with the United States, one that is highly profitable, if uncomfortable at times. American diplomats have had to balance their declarations of promoting freedom and democracy while simultaneously aligning themselves with the hugely repressive Saudi government. Though the United States and Saudi Arabia have the same goals- bringing down al-Assad and stopping Iran’s nuclear ambitions- each nation’s priorities are vastly different. While Washington resolutely focuses on hunting global terrorism, the Al Saud family fixates on stopping the spread of Iranian influence at all costs.

As the guardian of Islam’s holiest shrines and the leader of the Sunni Islamic ummah, Riyadh has done everything in its power to prevent the rise of rival Shiite power, which they believe is creeping outward from Tehran. Because Shiite influence is tied tightly to al-Assad’s Alawite government- for Saudis, the Syrian crisis is simply a proxy war to fight the real enemy: Iran. When overwhelming election results to institute a moderate-leaning president in Iran last summer was met with the possibility of rapprochement with Washington, it quickly sparked anger in Riyadh. Saudi displeasure with America was made clear last fall, when the kingdom gave up its seat at the UN Security Council in protest to America’s failure to stop the al-Assad regime. However, for Saudi Arabia’s Sunni-controlled monarchy, the topics of non-proliferation in the Gulf and the crimes of Bashar al-Assad really boil down to the same thing: fighting the influence of Iran’s Shiite-led theocracy. In the coming months, America cannot afford to dismiss Saudi Arabia’s motivations because no positive outcome will be possible without their cooperation. Washington must employ an attitude that engages Tehran while also showing appreciation for Riyadh’s security fears. A clear understanding of Saudi Arabia’s true intentions will therefore be crucial if Washington hopes to achieve its current goals in the Middle East.

Paper Abstract: The Islamic State: Syria, Iraq, and Water Resources

Written: August 2014

In recent months, a Sunni Muslim insurgent group has surprised the world with a wave of complex military victories as it attempts to establish an “Islamic State” across Iraq and Syria. It was unexpected to outsiders who viewed the Islamic State as yet another anarchic and obsolete terrorist group. However, the rebels have shown astounding levels of sophistication and strategy as they swiftly capture targets along the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. What distinguishes the rebels of the Islamic State is their keen awareness of how water resources shape the lives of all Syrians and Iraqis – past and present. If policymakers wish to understand or outmaneuver these insurgents, they have to be just as aware of the real power that water resources hold in the Middle East. This paper discusses how water scarcity contributed to the instability in Iraq as well as the civil war in Syria, and how the Islamic State has since used water to exploit the chaos.

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